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A growing body of evidence, though, suggests that humans do have a rudimentary moral sense from the very start of life. With the help of well-designed experiments, you can see glimmers of moral thought, moral judgment and moral feeling even in the first year of life. Some sense of good and evil seems to be bred in the bone. Which is not to say that parents are wrong to concern themselves with moral development or that their interactions with their children are a waste of time.

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Socialization is critically important. Smart Babies Babies seem spastic in their actions, undisciplined in their attention. Many developmental psychologists will tell you that the ignorance of human babies extends well into childhood. For many years the conventional view was that young humans take a surprisingly long time to learn basic facts about the physical world like that objects continue to exist once they are out of sight and basic facts about people like that they have beliefs and desires and goals — let alone how long it takes them to learn about morality.

I am admittedly biased, but I think one of the great discoveries in modern psychology is that this view of babies is mistaken. In the s, however, psychologists interested in exploring how much babies know began making use of one of the few behaviors that young babies can control: the movement of their eyes. As adults do, when babies see something that they find interesting or surprising, they tend to look at it longer than they would at something they find uninteresting or expected. And when given a choice between two things to look at, babies usually opt to look at the more pleasing thing.

This suggests that babies have expectations about how objects should behave. A vast body of research now suggests that — contrary to what was taught for decades to legions of psychology undergraduates — babies think of objects largely as adults do, as connected masses that move as units, that are solid and subject to gravity and that move in continuous paths through space and time. Other studies, starting with a paper by my wife, Karen, have found that babies can do rudimentary math with objects. The demonstration is simple. Show a baby an empty stage.

Raise a screen to obscure part of the stage. In view of the baby, put a Mickey Mouse doll behind the screen. Then put another Mickey Mouse doll behind the screen.

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Now drop the screen. Adults expect two dolls — and so do 5-month-olds: if the screen drops to reveal one or three dolls, the babies look longer, in surprise, than they do if the screen drops to reveal two. Babies like to look at faces; they mimic them, they smile at them. But the new studies found that babies have an actual understanding of mental life: they have some grasp of how people think and why they act as they do. The studies showed that, though babies expect inanimate objects to move as the result of push-pull interactions, they expect people to move rationally in accordance with their beliefs and desires: babies show surprise when someone takes a roundabout path to something he wants.


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They expect someone who reaches for an object to reach for the same object later, even if its location has changed. And well before their 2nd birthdays, babies are sharp enough to know that other people can have false beliefs.

That is, toddlers have a mental model not merely of the world but of the world as understood by someone else. These discoveries inevitably raise a question: If babies have such a rich understanding of objects and people so early in life, why do they seem so ignorant and helpless? One possible answer is that these capacities are the psychological equivalent of physical traits like testicles or ovaries, which are formed in infancy and then sit around, useless, for years and years. Another possibility is that babies do, in fact, use their knowledge from Day 1, not for action but for learning.

One lesson from the study of artificial intelligence and from cognitive science more generally is that an empty head learns nothing: a system that is capable of rapidly absorbing information needs to have some prewired understanding of what to pay attention to and what generalizations to make. Babies might start off smart, then, because it enables them to get smarter.

Morality, after all, is a different sort of affair than physics or psychology. The truths of physics and psychology are universal: objects obey the same physical laws everywhere; and people everywhere have minds, goals, desires and beliefs. But the existence of a universal moral code is a highly controversial claim; there is considerable evidence for wide variation from society to society. Henrich and his colleagues concluded that much of the morality that humans possess is a consequence of the culture in which they are raised, not their innate capacities.

At the same time, though, people everywhere have some sense of right and wrong. These universals make evolutionary sense. Since natural selection works, at least in part, at a genetic level, there is a logic to being instinctively kind to our kin, whose survival and well-being promote the spread of our genes.

More than that, it is often beneficial for humans to work together with other humans, which means that it would have been adaptive to evaluate the niceness and nastiness of other individuals. All this is reason to consider the innateness of at least basic moral concepts. In addition, scientists know that certain compassionate feelings and impulses emerge early and apparently universally in human development.

These are not moral concepts, exactly, but they seem closely related. One example is feeling pain at the pain of others. There seems to be something evolutionarily ancient to this empathetic response. If you want to cause a rat distress, you can expose it to the screams of other rats. Babies also seem to want to assuage the pain of others: once they have enough physical competence starting at about 1 year old , they soothe others in distress by stroking and touching or by handing over a bottle or toy.

But the basic impulse seems common to all.

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The psychologists Felix Warneken and Michael Tomasello have put toddlers in situations in which an adult is struggling to get something done, like opening a cabinet door with his hands full or trying to get to an object out of reach. The toddlers tend to spontaneously help, even without any prompting, encouragement or reward. Is any of the above behavior recognizable as moral conduct? Not obviously so. Moral ideas seem to involve much more than mere compassion. Morality, for instance, is closely related to notions of praise and blame: we want to reward what we see as good and punish what we see as bad.

In addition, moral principles are different from other types of rules or laws: they cannot, for instance, be overruled solely by virtue of authority. Even a 4-year-old knows not only that unprovoked hitting is wrong but also that it would continue to be wrong even if a teacher said that it was O. And we tend to associate morality with the possibility of free and rational choice; people choose to do good or evil. To hold someone responsible for an act means that we believe that he could have chosen to act otherwise.

Babies and toddlers might not know or exhibit any of these moral subtleties.

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Their sympathetic reactions and motivations — including their desire to alleviate the pain of others — may not be much different in kind from purely nonmoral reactions and motivations like growing hungry or wanting to void a full bladder. Moral-Baby Experiments So what do babies really understand about morality? Building on previous work by the psychologists David and Ann Premack, we began by investigating what babies think about two particular kinds of action: helping and hindering. Our experiments involved having children watch animated movies of geometrical characters with faces.

In one, a red ball would try to go up a hill. On some attempts, a yellow square got behind the ball and gently nudged it upward; in others, a green triangle got in front of it and pushed it down. To find out, we then showed the babies additional movies in which the ball either approached the square or the triangle. When the ball approached the triangle the hinderer , both 9- and month-olds looked longer than they did when the ball approached the square the helper.

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This was consistent with the interpretation that the former action surprised them; they expected the ball to approach the helper. A later study, using somewhat different stimuli, replicated the finding with month-olds, but found that 6-month-olds seem to have no expectations at all. This effect is robust only when the animated characters have faces; when they are simple faceless figures, it is apparently harder for babies to interpret what they are seeing as a social interaction. So we set out to investigate whether babies make the same judgments about the characters that adults do.

Forget about how babies expect the ball to act toward the other characters; what do babies themselves think about the square and the triangle? Do they prefer the good guy and dislike the bad guy? View all New York Times newsletters. Here we began our more focused investigations into baby morality. For these studies, parents took their babies to the Infant Cognition Center, which is within one of the Yale psychology buildings.

The center is just a couple of blocks away from where Stanley Milgram did his famous experiments on obedience in the early s, tricking New Haven residents into believing that they had severely harmed or even killed strangers with electrical shocks. The parents were told about what was going to happen and filled out consent forms, which described the study, the risks to the baby minimal and the benefits to the baby minimal, though it is a nice-enough experience.

Parents often asked, reasonably enough, if they would learn how their baby does, and the answer was no. This sort of study provides no clinical or educational feedback about individual babies; the findings make sense only when computed as a group. For the experiment proper, a parent will carry his or her baby into a small testing room. A typical experiment takes about 15 minutes. Usually, the parent sits on a chair, with the baby on his or her lap, though for some studies, the baby is strapped into a high chair with the parent standing behind.

At this point, some of the babies are either sleeping or too fussy to continue; there will then be a short break for the baby to wake up or calm down, but on average this kind of study ends up losing about a quarter of the subjects.

After showing the babies the scene, the experimenter placed the helper and the hinderer on a tray and brought them to the child. In the end, we found that 6- and month-old infants overwhelmingly preferred the helpful individual to the hindering individual. Experimental minutiae: What if babies simply like the color red or prefer squares or something like that? To control for this, half the babies got the yellow square as the helper; half got it as the hinderer.

What about problems of unconscious cueing and unconscious bias? A striking example is that of phenylketonuria or PKU. Phenylalanine is found in foods such as dairy, fish and meat, and those with this disorder are unable to break it down. Fortunately most babies are now screened for this at birth via a heel-prick test. Knowledge of this condition allows diets to be changed in order to limit foods containing high levels of phenylalanine and, by doing this, it is possible to avoid the ill effects of this genetic condition.


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From twins we have learned a lot about why sleep differs between children. And it seems that genes are important in helping to explain why some people sleep for longer than others and why some appear to have the gift of good sleep whereas others suffer terribly from disturbed slumber. These studies typically highlight that our environment is likely to be even more important than our genes in explaining differences between us in terms of our sleep.

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Going back to the twin study from researchers at University College London, it was found that twins are alike in terms of their sleep for reasons that are not related to their genes. In other words, aspects of their environment were making twins within a family sleep in a way that was similar to one another. So, we know that both genes and the environment are likely to have an effect on our slumber, but which genes and which aspects of the environment?